Tehran officials admit to ‘coup de grâce’ executions as regime trembles before public defiance

2026-02-19 - 23:23

In a shocking admission that confirms long-standing accusations by the Iranian Resistance, a senior official of Iran’s regime has publicly acknowledged that security forces executed wounded protesters during the nationwide uprising of January 2026. The revelation comes as the regime struggles to contain a volatile society that has shifted from economic grievances to open calls for regime change. The “Coup de Grâce”: A State Crime Confirmed On February 19, Javad Tajik, the CEO of the Behesht Zahra Organization (Tehran’s main cemetery), held a press conference where he confirmed the “coup de grâce”—the practice of delivering a final, fatal shot to the wounded—was widely used during the suppression of the January protests. While Tajik attempted to deflect blame by attributing these execution-style killings to “terrorists” and “armed individuals,” his data painted a harrowing picture of state brutality. He admitted that over 70 percent of the bodies received by the morgue bore evidence of close-range finishing shots. “Terrorists and those who were armed must have delivered the coup de grâce to the people, shooting more than 70 percent of the bodies,” Tajik claimed, a narrative that contradicts eyewitness accounts and medical reports. Independent reports and testimony from families tell a different story. Many of the martyrs were targeted even while receiving medical attention or after being incapacitated. Families have reported finding their loved ones in morgues days after they were injured, bearing distinct signs of execution shots. Among the victims was Sam Afshari, whose face was shattered by a secondary shot, and Abolfazl Vahidi, a 13-year-old child. Tajik also revealed that Behesht Zahra alone processed 1,124 bodies, with 511 buried in Tehran and the remainder transferred to other counties. In a cynical attempt to claim legality, he insisted that “no money for bullets” was collected from families and that religious rites were observed, stating, “In the Islamic Republic, such a precedent does not exist; we didn’t even ask people for a Salavat.” This is while there are multiple reports of regime authorities extorting families of thousands of dollars before delivering the remains of their loved ones. The Regime’s Fear of Organized Resistance While the regime projects confidence, internal discussions reveal deep anxiety regarding the organized nature of the uprising. On February 17, during a meeting in Mashhad attended by regime President Masoud Pezeshkian, clerical figure Naser Rafiei voiced the leadership’s fear of the population arming itself. “Is it possible for a group to raid a military center containing a thousand weapons? If they take a thousand weapons, what will happen?” Rafiei asked, highlighting the fragility of the regime’s security apparatus. Rafiei further acknowledged the Supreme Leader’s distress, noting that Khamenei had described the events as a “coup” and stating, “I know how much the Leader of the Revolution’s heart has been wounded by these incidents.” He compared the current unrest to the 2022 and 2019 uprisings but admitted, “This time it was different... I had never seen the Leader use the term ‘coup’ in previous incidents.” This sentiment was echoed by IRGC Brigadier General Majid Khademi, the head of the IRGC Intelligence Organization. In an interview with Khamenei’s website, Khademi explicitly compared the current era to the 1980s, a reference to the height of the PMOI’s conflict with the Khomeini regime. “The Leader said to pay attention to intelligence work. This period is like the era of the 80s,” Khademi said. He outlined a “seven-stage plan” by the “enemy,” which included attacking military sites, cyber operations, and “connecting protest cells to terrorist cells.” Khademi also expressed fear over the “snapback” of sanctions and the regime’s weakness in controlling cyberspace. Defiance from Behind Bars Despite the crackdown, political prisoners have issued messages of defiance, predicting the regime’s downfall. Shahin Zoghi-Tabar, a political prisoner in Evin Prison, released an audio message detailing his interrogation by the Ministry of Intelligence on February 2. When asked if he regretted his actions or would continue his activities, Zoghi-Tabar replied, “No, I never regret it.” He taunted his interrogators, stating that their efforts to remove the IRGC from terror lists would fail and that the Ministry of Intelligence itself would soon be blacklisted by Europe and the US. “Europe and the US will definitely understand that... they must recognize the Resistance Units and the Iranian people’s right to armed struggle,” Zoghi-Tabar said. Similarly, Mohammad Reza Habibian, calling from Yazd Central Prison, emphasized that the solution for Iran lies neither in foreign intervention nor in a return to the monarchy. “I declare that neither foreign war nor compromise leads to freedom,” Habibian stated. “The only way to escape the clutches of the demons ruling our country is to rely on organized resistance... manifested in the Resistance Units.” He rejected the “dictatorship of the Shah and the dictatorship of the mullahs,” asserting that the “sun of resistance” has rendered attempts to rehabilitate the monarchy futile. The Martyrs Honored in Najafabad The spirit of the uprising remains unbroken on the streets. In Najafabad, a city with a history of fierce resistance, crowds gathered to mark the 40th day (Chehelom) of the martyrs killed in the January crackdown. Despite a heavy deployment of security forces surrounding the venue, the ceremony turned into a protest. Participants held large portraits of the fallen and chanted slogans against the entire ruling establishment. The gathering highlighted that the regime’s strategy of killing thousands—including children—has failed to extinguish the demand for freedom. The transition from mourning to political chanting signals that the “wall of fear” remains shattered. From Economic Grievances to Revolution The current cycle of unrest began on December 28, 2025. Initially sparked by the collapse of the rial and strikes by bazaari merchants in Tehran’s Alaeddin Shopping Centre and Grand Bazaar, the movement rapidly evolved. Within 24 hours, demands for economic relief were replaced by chants of “Death to the Dictator.” By early January 2026, the protests had spread geographically to hundreds of cities and socially to include universities and oil workers. The regime responded with lethal force, killing thousands of civilians. However, the admissions by officials like Tajik and the fears expressed by IRGC commanders confirm that while the streets may be temporarily quieter due to extreme violence, the regime views this silence as fragile and temporary. The “coup de grâce” policy reveals a government that no longer seeks to govern its citizens, but simply to eliminate them.